Thursday, August 04, 2005

泡酒吧(barflyer)常用真正实用知识

消息来源:生活通讯 http://www.popyard.org 八阕编辑:2005-08-04
八阕 http://www.popyard.org 【八阕】其实去酒吧,不看酒水单,走到吧台直接点酒水,你会点吗?他们一般都有通用的名称,而不一定是酒本身的名字。说一说我所知道的酒吧点酒常识。

一般酒吧或有酒吧执照的饭馆的酒水分几种:

1. highball (通常用的是普通的大玻璃杯)

烈酒liquor,甜酒liqueur 和调酒用饮料mix(各种juice,soda,coke或milk)混合的鸡尾酒。一般由1盎司的酒和相应的饮料勾兑而成。通常是house highball(酒店饭店自己命名的鸡尾酒highball),或者其它一些通用的叫法,也是酒吧常见的鸡尾酒(highball类的),比如Tom collins,John collins,Mai Tai,killer koolaid,greyhound,screwdriver,seebreeze, zombie,sling,tequila sunrise,long island iced tea, godfather, blue lagoon,(bartender’s) rootbeer(跟beer无关) 等等很多名字。

点酒的时候,直接说名字就可以,比如 “tequila sunrise,please”(通常1 盎司烈酒)或者你也可以说“2 ounces tequila sunrise,please”(此时调酒师会用2盎司的酒,也可以说“double tequila sunrise,please”同样的意思,double指的是用2盎司酒)

一般有冰块。

2. martini

martini通常酒吧里都是用2盎司的酒跟其它东西调成的,所以点martini的时候,你不用说2盎司)。

用的杯子是martini glass(锥形的高脚杯)。martini根据不同调法,有不同的叫法。比如sex and the city里面那个女主角carrie,到酒吧点的martini总是cosmopolitan 。其他常见的一些martini有:Manhattan, crantini(用的是cranberry juice),sicilian kiss, water melon,rob roy等等。

如果你到酒吧只说“one martini,please”,服务员一般都会问你“Gin or Vodka”,所以你也可以具体的说“gin martini,please”或“vodka martini,please”。

有的martini里经常用到一点苦艾 酒(vermouth,含草药成分的甜酒,分为红色的sweet vermouth和白色的dry vermouth,跟葡萄酒类似的颜色),有的martini 用sweet vermouth,有的用 dry vermouth。如martini里有vermouth的话,通常是1/4 盎司的vermouth(dash of vermouth)。如果用的 sweet vermouth和dry vermouth的量相同(the same dash),此时叫perfect martini,又如perfect Manhattan 就表示既有sweet vermouth,又有dry vermouth,其它还有perfect rob roy。

一般martini里没有冰。

3. margarita(冰和调配用juice用搅拌器打碎后与酒混合后的一种饮料)

常见的margarita有:chi chi, daiquiri, margarita, pina colada 等等. 跟highball一样,用1盎司的酒,如果你想烈一点(more booze),可以点2盎司。

4. shooter

纯的不含饮料和冰块的酒(用小酒杯的"shot".也有一些比较常见的shooter。略。

5. beer

去酒点,你会发现有很多种类.也有不同 的分类方法.如果根据发孝口感颜色的不同,分为: lager(好象是中文里的黑啤,市场上常见的牌子"blue" beer), light (如cools light), ale(如sleeman ale),stout(也是黑色的啤酒,如Guinness), dry (如molson dry)等.

在这儿见过用两种不同的啤酒组合而成,有颜色不同的两层,不知道你们点过没有,叫"black and tan"(到的时候有点技巧,不然就混合了,1/2 stout 和1/2 ale或别的)

6. wine

简单

7.点酒时用到的说法:

“2 ounces scotch on the rocks,please” 要一杯两盎司加冰的苏格兰酒

“scotch over,please”一杯加冰的苏格兰酒

“scotch straight up” “scotch up”一杯不加冰的苏格兰酒

8. 洋酒的小常识

一般鸡尾酒(highball, martini, margarita)都由一种烈性酒liquor和甜酒liqueur及mix调制而成.

主要的liquor: vodka(伏特加)

gin(金酒)

scotch(苏格兰威士忌whisky, 中文里最常见的牌子"芝华士",就是scotch)

Irish(爱尔兰威士忌whisky)

rye(加拿大威士忌whisky)

bourbon(美国威士忌whisky,常见的牌子jack daniels)

rum(莱姆酒,分三种颜色的莱姆酒:white, amble, dark, 其中属amble rum 最贵,因

为加工的工艺较其它复杂)

tequila(墨西哥龙舌兰酒)

甜酒liqueur: 甜酒的种类特别多,一般甜酒的名字就是酒的牌子(与liquor不同,比如可有不同牌子的rye).只列出几种

kahlua(墨西哥咖啡酒,这是最常见的牌子)

Triple Sec(橘子味的甜酒)

Amaretto(榛子味的甜酒,有不同的牌子)

Baileys(爱尔兰奶酒,cream味的甜酒)

Martini vermouth(苦艾酒,分红白两种)

creme de cocao (奶油味甜酒)

creme de menthe (薄荷味的甜酒,类似的甜酒但是不同的牌子和名称:pepermint

schnapps)

peach schnapps(桃子味的甜酒)

creme de banana (香蕉味的甜酒)

blue curacao(兰色的甜酒,橘子味的)

Melon liqueur(绿色的,哈密瓜味的甜酒)

Grand Marnier(橘子味的带有白兰地味的甜酒)

......

一般的liquor store有四五个区(liquor,liqueur,wine and champagne,beer,other)

其实中国人买瓶洋酒就喝,就跟喝白酒似 的,总是抱怨洋酒不好喝.实际上喝的方法不对,洋酒一般是两种以上的酒(liquor加liqueur,或 liqueur和liqueur)互相勾兑着喝,并且经常加相应的juice,soda等什么的.网上可能有很多recipe,学着调调酒情调一下吧。

大学记忆:像狗一样的出国

消息来源:九派神州 http://www.popyard.org 八阕编辑:2005-08-04
八阕 http://www.popyard.org 【八阕】张华考上了北京大学;李萍进了中等技术学校;我在百货公司当售货员。我们都有光明的前途。——《新华字典》1998年修订本p 673“前途”

文章写的有点迟。前几天,糊涂三角地版,一位清华学生发表了他对出国的热切渴望并详列理由,受到追捧回应。俺一度也想写上那么一篇,来谈谈大学生为啥要抢着出国。笔者目前在国内工作,北大读完本科后从业两年。

中国大学生历来是关注焦点,任何新闻,只要和大学生扯上了,都是热门。前段日子,有个记者叫陈杰人,一度成为知名人物,他也没做啥大事,就是披露了武汉女大学生“陪聊”的事情。几乎是同一时期,卫生部副部长宣称中国有六百万以上的妓女,关心的人却寥寥无几。

大学生,在中国历来被视为纯洁,真诚的象征。仿佛人一进了大学,就高尚富贵起来,与众不同了。大学生卖肉,大学生行骗,大学生贪污腐败,女大学生傍大款,女大学生卖淫,个个都是众人关注的焦点,主角换个身份大伙就视而不见。

大学生如今热衷出国,众人皆知。在中国,有出国权的人并不多。年轻人里,除高官富翁的子女,只有理工科大学生——往往还是成绩比较优秀的那种,才有出国的机会。那么多高官的子女,就算留在国内,也是要风有风,要雨得雨。可他们依然义无反顾的出国。大学生又如何?

每年大学里出国的,都是成绩最优秀的那 批,往往争offer争得头破血流。大学生出国可不容易,苦背GRE,花流水般的钱上新东方,多半还得租房子、等 offer、过签证,得历经九九八十一难,随时会有被拒的危险。就这么恶劣的竞争环境,这批本可在国内混得不错的人,依然削尖了脑袋出国,而且数量越来越 多。

大学生可并不代表知识分子群体。大学生是通过高考制度,从全国各个阶级里,选拔出来的优秀人才。它们的选择,与高官子弟的选择,其象征意义是不一样的。大学生的逃离代表着全体中国人的逃离。

俺的大学记忆里,有这么件事儿。大三冬 天的日子,托福报名。那时候,托福考试可不像现在那么灵活,一到报名日,就是人满为患,赶上一次报名,非得漏夜排队不可。俺和几个哥们拿着小凳子和报纸, 在附近一个报名点旁边守夜。从零点,在寒风中一直等到东方泛起鱼肚白,终于等到人家上班了。因为队伍太长,几百个人混乱不堪,专门拨出了警力来维持队伍。 警察花了半个小时,把这几百人的队伍整好了。怎么整的呢?用脚。看看谁没站好,就狠狠地用脚踢他的大腿和小腿,直到把他踢到队伍里为止。几百个学生,清华 的、北大的、北外的……凡你能想起的最牛气的学校中的自尊心最高,恃才而傲眼高于顶不可一世的最牛的学生,就咬着牙齿,在那里默默忍受几个警察喝斥、脚踹 的社会主义教育。

--这是为了离开这个国度所付出的代价之一。

中国人市民对北大学生和清华学生有个最 大的误判,他们以为,北大学生和清华学生是不同的。例如北大是理想主义的,清华是实用主义的。北大学生是反抗型的,清华学生是乖乖型的。北大学生是自由化 的,清华学生是爱政府的。北大学生是个人主义的,清华学生是国家主义的……。其实,这些只是**。在出国问题上,北大和清华学生是完全一致的,不含糊的。 唯一的不同是:北大学生一边骂这个社会,一边出国,而清华学生一边赞扬这个社会,一边出国,然后他们之间的绝大多数读phd,找工作,入美国籍,定居。

俺在清华也有几个好友,97年,清华有个响亮的口号,叫“为祖国健康工作五十年”,这句话琅琅上口,有气势,清华小伙很爱喊,直到他们出国为止。俺在清华的朋友,在美国建立了庞大的同学会,留在中国倒显得孤零零了。

中国知识分子最是忍让。他们秉承了中国 人吃苦耐劳,小富即安,嫁鸡随鸡,百忍成精的优良传统,院士王选转述领导人的话说:中国知识分子价廉物美。两千块钱的工资,就可以随意使唤。中国知识分子 安于现状,能够忍贫受饥。适应能力比蟑螂更强,在金星上也能生存。近期报导的陆步轩,从一个北大中文系高材生,适应成一个卖肉屠夫,这样的生活现状也没有 让他成为土匪或是人肉炸弹。中国的知识分子就是这样善于忍受,只要一点点尊重,一点点慰籍,一点点利益,他们就可以在中国呆下去。可还是呆不下去。

中国对待知识的态度很奇特。比如说, 一个工人,每个小时可以生产出十元的产品。一个受过良好教育的工程师,改良了机器、流程、管理,于是一个工人每个小时可以生产出一百元的产品。那么这多出 来的九十元算是谁的功劳呢?西方人对此争论不休,有些人说,工人产出的是十元,工程师的价值当然是九十元;有些人说,工人也提高了效率和劳动强度应该得五 十元,工程师五十元比较公平。但中国人会说:我们工人的产量增加了,感谢领导们对工人的指导,对工程师的培养与栽培。这九十元是领导的功劳,剩下的十元, 请尊敬的工人同志和尊敬的工程师同志平分吧。

这是对待理工科知识分子的态度,那种 只会写文章的家伙就更加糟糕。文革以后,活的舒服的,都是拍马屁拍得响的。说真话的,不会拍马屁的,甚至拍马屁拍得不那么响的,基本上都在大牢里,或者干 脆死翘翘了。这些事情大伙听得太多,所以俺就不讲了,这次和大家侃侃混得还算可以的理工类知识分子和工程师们。以史为鉴,以史为鉴。

俺举的例子,都是那些在国内混得不错 的家伙,那些受迫害的,找了根绳子上吊的知识分子,大伙耳朵都听得起茧了。但迫害归迫害,对权力不利的家伙可以统统去死,可有些人是必须活下来了,要是知 识分子死绝了,就啥事也干不了。毛泽东最瞧不起知识分子了,整一批死一批的。可一旦领导人或者领导人的家属生了病,包括他自己在内,个个都找的是那些医学 界反动学术权威,还没听说过谁找了个赤脚医生给自己看病的。

以史为鉴之五十年代:华罗庚——建国来待遇最好的理论数学家。

华罗庚算是那个时代混得最不错的知识分 子之一,他天分极高,不到二十岁就在《科学》杂志上发表论文,后从事数论研究。二十六岁成为剑桥大学访问学者。中日战争爆发后,在中国形势最恶劣时回国于 西南联合大学任教。中日战争结束后,受聘为美国普林斯顿大学教授。共和国成立后,五零年,放弃国外的优越待遇回国。议定好的年薪是八百斤小米,当然后来没 有全给。这位已发表过两百多篇论文和专著的数学家在新中国继续从事研究工作。由于华罗庚对政治不感兴趣,所以在文革中没有受太大冲击。虽然他被拉进了政 协,但实际上没有对政治发表过只言片语。

在1968年,中共中央组织部部长郭 玉峰在党代会上发表了《关于四届全国政协常委会委员政治情况的报告》,在该报告中,他指称74名全国政协常委会委员为叛徒,叛徒嫌疑,特务,特嫌,国特, 反革命修正主义分子,里通外国分子等,占159名政协常委会委员的47%。建筑学家梁思成、生物学家童弟周、桥梁专家茅以升相继被打倒。但华罗庚却幸免于 难。在数学家群体当中,他是最风光的一个,他是中国数学界的泰斗,中科院数学科学研究所所长,他很聪明,用一个在理论数学上毫无学术价值的“优选法”,来 证明自己“贴近工农”,并在文革时期赴全国十八个省份讲演做专题报告,而其它的数学家此时大多在牛棚里度过余生。

这个当时在全国算是最走运的一个数学家华罗庚,生活是怎样的呢?

五零年以后,他再也没有能发表出有份量 的成果。是条件不够好吗?从纵向比,抗日时期,他在西南联大,物资极度紧张,住在猪圈旁边,他依然可硕果累累。可五零年以后,生活条件好转,可他却出不了 成果了。从横向比,被他指责为“贪图享乐不回国”的同龄人,大数学家陈省身,在国外屡屡突破,一举获得数学界最高荣誉之一沃尔夫奖,退休后衣锦还乡到南开 大学享福去了。

华罗庚五零年,毅然放弃优异待遇回国时,发表热情洋溢的爱国宣言:“良园虽好,却非久居之地”,影响了一代海外学人。十年后,他黯然对夫人说:“我想自杀。”。消息传出,又影响了一代海外学人。

他没有精力再搞研究,因为他的同事处心积虑地揭发他,批判他。

他二十年的手稿被红卫兵抄家后付之一炬。

他放弃了自己喜爱的数论研究,放弃了自己的天赋,去搞应用数学和爱国主义教育。统筹法让他摆脱了“脱离群众、脱离工农”的口诛笔伐,使他获得全国巡回演讲的殊荣。可他自己知道这东西的生命力,文革以后,再也没有人用。

他在海外的名声为他赢得了待遇,因为他是统战对象,是模范表率,所以要照顾他。可是其它人就不是了。他的儿子,一家四口人,住十四平方米屋子。他最得意的徒弟陈景润,住四人七平方米一间的宿舍。

清华大学文革委员会主任迟群不断关心他的生活,陈景润成名之后,迟群不遗余力地动员他积极展开批判华罗庚的工作。

华罗庚的优选法在辽宁省做成果展示时, 主持辽宁党政军工作的毛远新(毛泽东侄子)对这位天才数学家高屋建瓴地指出:“优选法的‘最优’是不可能存在的,最优这一提法不科学,不符合马列主义,最 多只能称为较优。”于是华罗庚只好带领他的弟子们连夜加班,将展示板里的“最优”统统改成了“较优”。

这就是在国内待遇最好的数学家的遭遇。

以史为鉴之七十年代:袁隆平——建国以来贡献最大的农学家。

八十年代之前的二十年里,中国人是在饥 饿中度过的。最有名的三年饥荒,按现在俺手头搜集的全国仅17个省的统计资料,加起来就饿死了2100万,预计全国的统计数字应该在2700-3000万 之间。不过,俺认为统计数字肯定有问题,算少了。三千万是啥概念?全国一共有七十多万个生产大队,一个生产队大约 1000人,正常年份,每个生产队每年死亡10-15人,饥荒三年,每年死亡25-30人,全国就会多死三千万人。可俺那地头,老一辈的记忆里,死得可比 这惨多了,所以俺认为三千万这个数字,肯定是少了。饥饿的不仅仅是那三年,整整二十年,俺老家的人就没有吃饱过。

据老一辈说,真正重新吃饱饭,是在七 十年代末,以前的稻子是高高的,风一吹就倒,换了矮水稻以后,粮食真是翻了出来。报纸上曾引述农民的话说:“我们吃饱饭,靠的是两‘平’。邓小平和袁隆 平。”袁隆平的水稻南优2号,比以前的水稻单产增产20%,于1973年研究成功,1976年开始推广。八十年代,国际组织给他的奖项多得像米粒一样。中 国有九亿农民,他一个人,相当于干了两亿农民的活。有人预估,他的种子共创造效益5600亿美元。假设其中分零头给他,那么他的资产就会大致与世界首富比 尔盖茨587亿美元相当。

那么袁隆平的真实情况是怎么样的呢?

截至1998年,袁隆平的月工资是1600元。

由于他做人老实本分,1953年被分配 到偏远落后的湘西雪峰山麓安江农校教书。在那里,才华横溢的袁隆平的职称一直没有提升,工资一直原地踏步,房子依旧窄小阴暗,向上爬的机会被他那些会拍领 导马屁的同事抢走了。他唯一的幸运是研究水稻。这是大伙吃饭用的东西,属于文革中保护品种,他住的又偏远,灾难没降临到他头上。

文革中他也被人整过,罪名是毛泽东制定了农业八字办法:水、肥、土、种、密、保、工、管,他却偏偏认为要加一个“时”字。加上整天摆弄那些别人看不懂的瓶瓶罐罐,于是被打成反革命。

文革中,他培养水稻的罐子被红卫兵们砸 碎,辛苦培育的品种被他们扔到井里,不得不中断研究三年。遭到批斗和毒打。而如今,他的工作又被新的挺毛派红卫兵们,恬不知耻地称作“毛泽东时代的伟大成 就”,有些干脆说是“毛泽东领导下的成就”。各位坛子上出国的老兄,听说过把受害人说成是自己的成就的吗?就像张志新,被辽宁党政班子割了喉管枪决。平反 以后,辽宁省官员也声称“张志新同志的伟大精神是辽宁的光荣”。看看美国,政府给企业提供那么好的发展环境,可你有听说过美国把Intel奔腾芯片叫做 “克林顿时代的伟大成就之一”的吗?

1979年,美国圆环种子公司总经理 威尔其惊叹中国的水稻成就,向中国农业部的官员咨询杂交水稻的发明人是谁,他要签约用高价向发明人申请专利使用权。对此,中国种子公司官员义正言辞地回答 说,这个发明专利权属中国国家拥有。农业部种子公司就是代表国家享有这一权利的唯一代表。要探讨杂交水稻技术转让问题,无须再找“别人”。

1980年,圆环种子公司向中国种子公司支付当时可谓是天价的20万美元首期专利转让费,袁隆平一分未得。

1980年,为配合本次专利转让活动,袁隆平以专家身份出访美国做了四个月的技术指导。回国后,他所得的工资数千美元,被农业部悉数收缴,然后重新发给他每天20元人民币的出国补贴。

1981年,国家科委、农委重奖杂交水稻发明人10万元奖金。但单位转手分下来以后,袁隆平仅得5000元。

2003年,袁隆平在几十年多次创造奇迹以后,正式宣布由于研究经费匮乏,他的研究所的最新成果无法试产,将与美国公司合作。

这就是国内贡献最大的农学研究员的故事。

以史为鉴之九十年代:大学生——离上流社会最近的人。

九十年代,不需要从个体身上截取例子。因为九十年代,俺们已经懂事,坛子上年岁大点的人,已经踏入社会。这不是历史,是在俺们身边发生的现实。

法新社于今年十一月份发表了一条新闻,中国贸易促进会会长的千金,万季飞18岁的爱女万宝宝(译音)受邀出席法国巴黎最负盛名,为首次踏足社交界的千金小姐举办的舞会。她将正式在法国Crillon酒店的舞会上“进入法国上流社会”。

中国的下等人是谁自然不必多说。要工 作,他们到城市会被驱赶和盘剥;要开公司,他们没有启动费用;要从政更是痴心妄想,现在买个官比开个公司难多了。唯一改换身份的出路是上学,如果子女碰巧 有天资、能考试,那么就是一个希望。俺就出身这样一个家庭,城市的朋友,都不明白,为啥有些农民,付不起孩子上学的钱,会自杀。上不起学,打工去不就行了 吗?事情不是这样,考上大学,不仅仅意味着更好的机会,它意味着跳出了老鼠的儿子要打洞,一代代的农民,一代代的受苦的循环。近几年的教育高收费,将这条 路也渐渐堵塞。在俺念的北大计算机系,97级本科有一半农民子弟,而01级本科的小ddmm们,已经基本没有农民成份了。

但上大学,并不意味着进入中产阶级或 是上流社会,特别是在扔个砖头都可以砸倒几个博士的时代,大学生的价值越来越小。在国内,摆在大学生面前的出路,一条比一条难走。唯一越走越宽的道路就是 傍大款,因为有钱人越来越多。傍大款这个词,现在已经不流行了,流行的是做小秘和包二奶,充分体现了中国文化博大精神,与时俱进的风格。但这条路毕竟只有 少数人可走,绝大多数还得工作,就算读研暂缓几年,工作还是免不了的,总不能读书读到死吧。

今年回了一趟北京,真是在招聘会上开 眼了。俺也算是有一定阅历的家伙了,可从来没见过这么拥挤、这么多大学生红着眼睛左冲右突的招聘会。这几年经济增长得很快。可别的国家经济增长,伴随的是 股市行情飚红,就业机会遍地都是,低收入群体得到更好保障。可中国的经济增长却是反其道而行之,这钱都到哪去了呢?

招聘会结束了,几天以后,消息下来 了,本科生三四千,研究生四五千,博士生六七千,像狗一样的找工作虽然和像狗一样的出国有所相似,可一个卖得贱,一个则卖得贵些。现在网上有些人觉得中国 的经济环境很好啊,他们的理由是:经济环境不好,外资怎么刷刷地就进来了呢?这还用废话吗?像垃圾袋一样便宜的大学生劳动力,没有法律保障的工作时间,法 官不是腐败的就是向着资本家的,政府还禁止工人成立自由工会。这个大中国,不摆明了是外国资本家天堂中的天堂么?

可俺们,迈向上流社会的大学生们,环顾四方的时候,又发现自己是在哪里呢?

以上是俺要说的话,但愿对已经出国和想出国和不想出国的大学生们有用。

Wednesday, August 03, 2005

The politics of publication

Nature 422, 259 - 261 (20 March 2003); doi:10.1038/422259a

The politics of publication

PETER A. LAWRENCE

Peter Lawrence is at the MRC Laboratory of Molecular Biology, Cambridge CB2 2QH, UK. e-mail: pal@mrc-lmb.cam.ac.uk. He has edited the journal Development since 1976, served on the editorial board of Cell and EMBO J., authored many papers and reviewed many more.

Authors, reviewers and editors must act to protect the quality of research.

Listen. All over the world scientists are fretting. It is night in London and Deborah Dormouse is unable to sleep. She can't decide whether, after four weeks of anxious waiting, it would be counterproductive to call a Nature editor about her manuscript. In the sunlight in Sydney, Wayne Wombat is furious that his student's article was rejected by Science and is taking revenge on similar work he is reviewing for Cell. In San Diego, Melissa Mariposa reads that her article submitted to Current Biology will be reconsidered, but only if it is cut in half. Against her better judgement, she steels herself to throw out some key data and oversimplify the conclusions — her postdoc needs this journal on his CV or he will lose a point in the Spanish league, and that job in Madrid will go instead to Mar Maradona.

The decision about publication of a paper is the result of interaction between authors, editors and reviewers. Scientists are increasingly desperate to publish in a few top journals and are wasting time and energy manipulating their manuscripts and courting editors. As a result, the objective presentation of work, the accessibility of articles and the quality of research itself are being compromised.

One main cause
These trends are fuelled by the increasing pressure in biomedical science to publish in the leading journals. Even our language reflects this obsession — we say that Jim Jargon did well as a graduate student because he published a "Cell paper", illustrating that we now consider the journal to be more important than the scientific message. If we publish in a top journal we have arrived, if we don't we haven't.

Why has this happened? It is partly because, rather than assessing the research itself, those who distribute the money and positions now evaluate scientists by performance indicators (it is much easier to tot up some figures than to think seriously about what a person has achieved). Managers are stealing power from scientists and building an accountability culture that "aims at ever more perfect administrative control of institutional and professional life"1. The result is an "audit society"2, in which each indicator is invested with a specious accuracy and becomes an end in itself.

Evaluations of scientists depend on numbers of papers, positions in lists of authors, and journals' impact factors. In Japan, Spain and elsewhere, such assessments have reached formulaic precision. But bureaucrats are not wholly responsible for these changes — we scientists have enthusiastically colluded. What began as someone else's measure has become our (own) goal. Although there are good reasons for publishing papers where they are more likely to be read, when we give the journal priority over the science we turn ourselves into philistines in our own world.

Some scientists realize this, but why have most taken up the journal chase so enthusiastically? It has to do with both psychology and careerism. Young researchers see a paper in a good journal as their initiation into the scientific élite. The established seek publication in leading journals to certify their high opinion of themselves. All are learning that building capital in the hard currency of the audit society can be safer and easier than founding a reputation on discoveries. Another factor is that contemporary society has a craze for publicity, to which scientists are not immune. Many are gratified to find themselves or their work reported (accurately or not) in the media, and leading journals provide a route through press releases. El País, for example, usually features articles about any work by Spanish scientists published in Nature, Cell or Science.

Consequences
There are consequences for authors, editors and reviewers.

Authors have to decide when and how to write up their work. The ideal time is when a piece of research is finished and can carry a convincing message, but in reality it is often submitted at the earliest possible moment (two papers count for twice as much as one, never mind if the second paper mainly corrects errors in the first). Findings are sliced as thin as salami and submitted to different journals to produce more papers.

Work must be rushed out to minimize the danger of being scooped — top journals will not consider a paper if a similar result has appeared in a competing journal, even if the experiments have taken years and there is only a week or two of disparity. Yet it can be advantageous if rival papers are submitted at the same time, as each author can use the other paper to tempt editors into concluding that the topic is a hot one. This practice has led to many dangerous liaisons between competing groups. It is no wonder that agonizing over presentation as well as the timing of submission keeps many scientists awake at night.

Authors need to decide how to get their paper into a top journal. Can the results be hyped to make them look more topical? Are there some trendy stock phrases that can be used3? Would oversimplification add to the appeal? Could a lofty take-home message be made to fit? Can even a tenuous link to a human disease be found? (Mention of a human disease boosts the number of subsequent references to the paper and can make it more attractive to a journal.) Can the results be squeezed into a shorter format than they require? For example, can they be submitted as a brief Letter to Nature — even though a longer paper in a more specialized journal would be of greater service to readers? Letters to Nature and Reports in Science are often presented in such a compressed form with such minuscule figures that they can be hard to decipher. Supplementary online material may alleviate this problem, although readers of print editions may not find it convenient to look at, and people have concerns about the length of its electronic shelf-life.

Increasingly, such a high premium is put on presentation that the leader of a group (who has not done the experiments) writes the paper reporting work done by a junior scientist (who has). The team leader is more experienced and more able to present the work in the best possible light — and for this, a lack of knowledge of the details can be advantageous! The student or postdoc is released to go back to the bench, increasing productivity. However, she or he does not get taught how to write up results4.

Editors. It is no surprise that editors of élite journals receive many submissions. For example, Nature now receives around 9,000 manuscripts a year (double that of 10 years ago) and has to reject about 95% of biomedical papers. Development, a quality specialist journal, now rejects roughly 70%, compared with 50% in 1990. In leading journals there are too many submissions to send most out for peer review, so the editor's decision has become, quantitatively, much more important than the judgement of reviewers. Consequently, editors are courted by authors who resort to tactics such as charm offensives during "presubmission enquiries", networking at conferences and wheedling telephone calls — or pulling rank, using contacts, threatening and bullying. Group leaders can justify spending time and ingenuity on these stratagems — editors can be swayed and the rewards for success are high. Furthermore, impact factors and finance have joined forces to build up competition between top journals (Cell Press was recently sold for a great deal of money). One result is that editors are sent out to woo star scientists for their trendiest papers. These forces all combine to create an antiscientific culture in which pushiness and political skills are rewarded too much, and imaginative approaches, high-quality results and logical argument, too little.

Even experienced editors are on uncertain ground — sifting through a mass of diverse papers objectively and hurriedly is almost impossible. The advent of the Medline search and other Internet-based services has helped them, but it is still difficult to see clearly into the dark corners of specialization. Understandably insecure, editors play safe and favour the fashionable, familiar and expected over the flaky and unexpected — or original. Inevitably, mistakes are made. The original paper by Michael Berridge and Robin Irvine on phosphoinositol and signalling, which became the second most quoted article throughout the 1980s, was originally turned down by Nature. The authors fought back and it was accepted5. But when Berridge synthesized the information and added new ideas in another paper, it was rejected again by Nature, eventually published by the Biochemical Journal6 and became the fifth most quoted paper of the 1980s7.

Reviewers are, of course, authors wearing a different hat. There can be conflicts — for example, does the reviewer favour the work of a competitor and thereby endanger his or her student's career? Such opposing interests can explain why two reviewers of similar expertise sometimes present vastly different opinions about the same paper. It does not help that top journals are increasingly giving reviewers an extra task. Apart from the traditional technical and scientific assessments, where objective criteria are paramount, reviewers are now being asked to judge whether a manuscript constitutes a "Science" paper — is it sufficiently exciting to interest the "general reader"? This participation in editorial decisions gives reviewers opportunities to punish authors they do not like, settle old scores and hold up competitors. From many years of editing experience, I am persuaded that a minority of reviewers take advantage of these opportunities. Some bounce the same paper from more than one journal, making it more difficult for a less politically adept scientist to present his or her work, especially if it goes against the current grain. Objectivity is also threatened by a tacit understanding between some leading scientists: they invite each other onto committees, to conferences, nominate each other for prizes and awards, and support publication of each other's papers.

Another relatively recent phenomenon is the practice of sending papers to three reviewers. Although this is partly to ensure that at least two reviews are received, I think it is also so that the advice received cannot be a tie. Decision by vote can encourage rejected authors to make empty appeals, praising favourable reviewers, denigrating negative ones and asking for new reviewers — in the hope of getting another plus. Rejection is easier to accept if there is a thoughtful reason for it from which one can learn.

Hard-pressed editors take power from authors and hand it to reviewers in other ways. Reviewers often ask for changes and new experiments, even though they may be rather ignorant of the details and may have formed an opinion of the paper in half an hour. Nevertheless, the easiest and most commonly chosen course for the editor is to ask the authors to "satisfy" all of the reviewers, then send the revised manuscript for reassessment. If authors have well-founded disagreements with a reviewer, they find themselves in a dilemma: do they invest time in experiments they do not believe will help, do controls that few other informed people would find important, or even draw conclusions that are not theirs? If they do not, reviewer X may not be appeased and the editor would be unswayable. In former days, these authors could have solved their problems by sending their papers elsewhere, but now that the journal itself has become so important to their careers, they feel forced to comply. In this situation the reviewers can become more like censors than assessors. I have seen many examples of this and, sometimes, months of research time have been misspent, even to the extent that an author can be scooped in the interim.

Faster publication times, materials-transfer agreements and threats of legal action to force journals to identify reviewers have added to the pressure. In the case of faster publication times, journals can offer chosen authors fast-track treatment and advanced online publication, helping them to steal a march on competitors. A reviewer can use information and may have time to modify his or her own manuscript and even publish it elsewhere first. Temptation and suspicion have heated up enough to melt the wall of confidentiality that reviewers owe to authors. Still, I believe there is genuine confusion about the level of confidentiality that reviewers should adopt. Is the reviewer obliged not to reveal even the existence of a submitted manuscript to anyone? I think so, but do we all concur? Should a reviewer agree to assess a paper that he or she has already advised another journal to reject? I think not, but this happens frequently.

Cures?
It is no wonder that authors are becoming paranoid. Roughly half of the submission letters I now receive request me not to use certain reviewers, often because of "conflicts of interest". Behind this phrase lurks the fear of misuse of the information in the paper — although admittedly it is sometimes a ploy to avoid the sharp-eyed and critical.

My main purpose here is consciousness raising. But we can all start to improve things by toning down our obsession with the journal. The most effective change by far would be if the organizations that award grants and manage research programmes were to place much less trust in a quantitative audit that reeks of false precision. Such organizations have the big advantage of hindsight — unlike editors and reviewers at the time of submission, they can ask themselves if key papers published by the candidate are illuminating, have proved influential and whether their main results have been confirmed by others.

Authors can help to break up the cult of the journal. One way is to set up mutually supportive alliances, as has been done for the field of cell signalling (http://www.signaling-gateway.org). If established authors start to publish selectively in open-access websites and in specialized journals when appropriate, a better example would be set for younger scientists. This would reduce the enormous pressure on the leading journals, which then could again begin to publish more comprehensible papers that tell a complete story, perhaps even bringing the 'general reader' back to life.

I am not suggesting sweeping changes to the review process. For example, I don't think a change to open peer-reviewing (as discussed in ref. 8) will help, mainly because younger reviewers would be intimidated and the political power of the established would be increased. One change which would now be feasible through online submission of two forms of the manuscript, would be to deny the reviewers authors' names. It is crucial that the responsibilities and duties of reviewers are clarified and made more public. For example, they could be better educated about confidentiality by the journal, along the lines of Nature's advice (http://www.nature.com/nature/submit/policies/index.html#8).

Professional editors need to be more aware of these dangers. They now have to make difficult decisions that are of vital importance to authors, far beyond the publication or not of a particular paper, as well as meeting rejection rates as high as 95%. They have — perhaps understandably — been relinquishing too many of their responsibilities to reviewers. It does not help that editors may not have had enough experience of research and lack hands-on knowledge, particularly outside one narrow subject area. They need to act now to reinstate authors' rights. Once a decision has been made to publish in principle, they should never simply demand in a blanket sense that authors satisfy reviewers X, Y and Z, but should interpret referees' advice and be willing to accept reasoned discussion about aspects of the referees' criticisms. Editors should then be in a decision to adjudicate among themselves or to seek further opinion from an expert who is given both sides of the argument. Editors should appreciate that, unlike the authors whose names are out there, anonymous reviewers will not be held to account if they make a mistake. It should always be remembered that the proper role of the reviewer is to advise the editor, not to gain control over the author's paper.

Editors should also take a more long-term and broader view about what is of interest, and act positively to encourage new approaches and topics in an affirmative action against fashion.It is fashion that makes looking for new members of signalling pathways into the hottest of current topics, which can lead to unnecessary duplication. Just one example — no less than four independent studies on the same new gene (pygopus), each describing years of careful and hard work by several people, have just been published (see ref. 9 and references therein).

As authors, we have abandoned the attempt to make our experimental papers accessible or comprehensible to the nonspecialist, often writing undiluted mixtures of hype and jargon. This is partly because we are writing in shorthand to fit our papers into a small space, and partly because we are trying to con the editors. But why not write papers that are readable, reduce the number of acronyms and gobbledeegook, and put methodological details in supplementary material on the web?

It is we older, well-established scientists who have to act to change things. We should make these points on committees for grants and jobs, and should not be so desperate to push our papers into the leading journals. We cannot expect younger scientists to endanger their future by making sacrifices for the common good, at least not before we do.

------------------ References
1. O'Neill, O. A Question of Trust (Cambridge Univ. Press, 2002).
2. Power, M. The Audit Society: Rituals of Verification (Oxford Univ. Press, 1997).
3. Lawrence, P. A. Nature Rev. Genetics 2, 139-142 (2001). | Article | ISI | ChemPort |
4. Lawrence, P. A. Nature 415, 835-836 (2000). | Article | ChemPort |
5. Berridge, M. J. & Irvine, R. F. Nature 312, 315-321 (1984). | Article | PubMed | ISI | ChemPort |
6. Berridge, M. J. Biochem. J. 220, 345-360 (1984). | PubMed | ISI | ChemPort |
7. Pendlebury, D. The Scientist 4, 18-21 (1990).
8. Gura, T. Nature 416, 258-260 (2002). | Article | PubMed | ISI | ChemPort |
9. Belenkaya, T. et al. Development 129, 4089-4101 (2002). | PubMed | ISI | ChemPort |

Tuesday, August 02, 2005

巧用信用卡可提高信用指数de方法

八阕 http://www.popyard.org 儅您申请新的信用卡,申请购车贷款或房屋贷款,银行都会查看你的信用指数来决定给你什么样的利率和额度。指数高就可以得到更低的利率,更大的信用额度。如何通过使用信用卡来提高信用指数呢?本文教您几个诀窍。

b信用指数如何构成

信用指数系Fair Isaac 信用卡评比机构率将贷款申请人之历史资料简化为单一数字,以协助金融机构判断申贷人还款的可能性。信用指数约有百分之三十的分数是来自下列因素:

1)帐户积欠金额。

2)欠款帐户种类。

3)缺乏最近帐户活动资料。

4)仍有可用余额的帐户数。

5)信用额度使用率。

6)分期偿付贷款未清偿余额率。

华邮个人金融专栏顾问Michelle Singletary说,“虽然信用指数最高可达830分,但是超过700分就属于最好的了。”针对上面所列打分的原则,专家提供几个窍门。

b使用多张信用卡,每卡使用额不超过限额的50%

使用信用卡消费若超过信用额度之特定比例,通常会使信用指数降低。假设你有四张卡,每一张的信用额度为5,000美元,其中三张账单金额为0,若第四张的消费额使你的信用额度达到上限5000美元,那会损及你的信用指数。

可是你所有卡的总信用额度只用了25%,所以盯住一张卡反对你的信用指数不利。总之,单卡消费金额不要超过可用余额的一半,而总信用卡使用率不要超出25%,因为这样较有借还的弹性。

及时付清信用卡账单,减少“帐户积欠金额”

迟付款也对信用指数有很大影响,所以按时把帐单结清很重要。另外,比方在某月份,你的信用卡消费额度因购买大件商品达到或贴近上限,如果你在次月份已付清,虽然这个月那已将你的信用额度推至最高点,但只要清偿记录随后反映出来,你的分数就会立即回复。

这个指数是动态的,某些法律规定对顾客不利的纪录只能保存七年,所以每个人都有机会从新建立良好的信用记录。

b经常使用信用卡,保持活动帐户

不在于消费多少,尽量每个月都在不同的信用卡上用一次,这样可以增加“最近帐户活动资料”。你不要怕付款时账单太多的麻烦,现在很多银行都可以网上付款,你邮票钱也省了。每张卡都用上一点,提高信用额度多好。

不要经常查询信用指数

每次申请新卡和贷款都要查询信用指数,查询多了,指数就会下降,所以不要一看见信用卡的广告信就急于申请,不如把已经有的卡好好使用,信用指数提高了,奖励高利率低的信用卡会主动找上门来。

所以,增加信用指数的方式不外乎是:多张卡分散使用,每卡使用限额比率低,及时付款不拖欠。